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jeu. 03/10/2019
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Documentation of endangered languages in Colombia. The experience with Tinigua (isolate), and Cabiyarí (Arawak) |
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14h-16h |
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MSH, salle Berty Albrecht |
Conférence de :
- Katherine Bolaños
(Instituto Caro y Cuervo, Colombia)
dans le cadre DTT : Atelier LED-TDR |
In this talk we aim to present advances in the documentation of Tinigua and Cabiyarí. Two amazonian languages spoken in Colombia. We have undertaken the documentation of both these languages from an interdisciplinary perspective, combining the documentation and reconstruction of the historical memory of the ethnic groups and a functional linguistic description.
Tinigua is a language isolate spoken today by one last known speaker. The ethnic group once inhabited the plains of the Yarí, an area in the fringe of the Andean-amazonian region. Through the documentation of Tinigua, we have found sequels of a past history of contact between Tinigua and other amazonian and pre-andean groups which have left traces in the structure of the language, as well as in the cultural practices that Sixto Muñoz, the last speaker of the language, can still reconstruct.
The project on the documentation of Cabiyarí has just recently began. In this talk we will present our advances on the ethnographic and linguistic documentation of this Arawakan language, spoken today by about 35 people, inhabitants of the Apaporis area, in the Vaupés region of Northwest Amazonia. Eastern Colombia.
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Contact...
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ven. 04/10/2019
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Réunion Interne Axe DTT - réunion de rentrée |
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14h-16h |
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MSH - salle Ennat Léger |
Contact...
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mer. 09/10/2019
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Réunion Interne Conseil de laboratoire |
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9h30-12h |
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MSH, salle André Frossard |
Contact...
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ven. 11/10/2019
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Irrealis in Nomatsigenga (Kampa-Arawak) |
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14h-16h |
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MSH, salle André Frossard |
Conférence de :
- Antonio Castillo Ramirez
(University of Sonora, Mexique)
dans le cadre DTT : Séminaire DTT |
Many languages of the world show a morphological distinction between realized (i.e. realis) and unrealized (i.e. irrealis) events. Some proposals reject the typological validity of the realis and irrealis categories (e.g. Bybee et al 1994, Cristofaro 2012) due to 1) the heterogeneity of their application in the languages of the world (i.e. what is marked as realis in one language can be marked as irrealis in another) and 2) the multifunctionality of the irrealis (e.g. future, imperative, negative, counterfactual, conditional, etc.), which would suggest that this category does not have a nuclear meaning and, therefore, its psychological reality would not be justified. In this talk, I will describe the irrealis category in Nomatsigenga (not), a Kampa language of the Arawak language family, spoken in the Selva Central area of Peru by some 4000 individuals. First, I will offer an overview of the morphophonological phenomena involved in the affixation of the irrealis markers. Second, I will present the constructions that exhibit irrealis marking (i.e. that express unrealized events). Finally, I will provide a brief discussion on the arguments that some linguists use to reject the validity of the irrealis and how those are irrelevant in the light of the Nomatsigenga data. As will be seen, the irrealis markers in Nomatsigenga cover the cross-linguistically expected range of what is defined as "unrealized event".
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Contact...
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mer. 16/10/2019
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Réunion Interne Réunion de rentrée DENDY |
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10h30-12h |
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MSH, salle Frossard |
Contact...
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ven. 18/10/2019
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Les expressions nominales dans les langues bantu |
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14h-19h |
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MSH, salle A. Bollier |
Soutenance d'habilitation à diriger des recherches de : Mark van de Velde
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Contact...
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ven. 25/10/2019
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Negation: Typology, diachrony, and areality |
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14h-16h |
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MSH, salle Ennat Léger |
Conférence de :
- Olga Krasnoukhova
(University of Antwerp)
dans le cadre DTT : Atelier Morphosyntaxe |
The cross-linguistic comparison of ‘standard negation’, i.e. the negation of main clause declarative sentences with an overt verbal predicate, shows a universal tendency for languages to have a clausal negator before the verb. This has been first noted by Jespersen (1917:5), and although this observation was based on a small number of related languages, this tendency – also known now as the ‘Negative-First Principle’ after Horn 1989/2001 – has been confirmed ever since in studies based on large and representative samples (e.g. Dahl 1979, 2010; Dryer 1988, 2013; Vossen 2013, inter alia). Even though these studies differ in approach as to the type of verb that the negator precedes or follows, namely, lexical verb (finite or not) or auxiliary (when there is one), the results point in the same direction: Dahl (1979) finds a majority of languages in his sample to have a negator before the finite verb. In Dryer (2013), approximately 70% of the 1324 languages surveyed have a negation marker before the lexical verb. In constructions with negation of imperative clauses, or prohibitives, the tendency for the preverbal position of a negative element seems even stronger (Horn 2001:450). A cross-linguistic study by Van Olmen (2010:492) suggests this too. Nonetheless, despite this strong universal tendency, a sizable proportion of the world’s languages express negation after the verb, and this concerns both standard negation and imperative negation. Interestingly, a good number of these languages seem to cluster in areas, including the ‘Macro Sudan Belt’ (Güldemann 2007; Idiatov 2015), New Guinea (Reesink 2002; Vossen 2016), and South America as a macro-area (Muysken et al. 2014:306; Vossen 2016). The documented clustering of postverbal negation in the areas mentioned above suggests that this strategy can arise or be reinforced through language contact.
Cross-linguistically, it is not unusual for languages to use the same negator for different types of negation synchronically (van der Auwera & Krasnoukhova, forthc.). In fact, same negative markers can be indicative of a diachronic relation between negative functions. However, it seems also the case that languages prefer to use specialized means. Thus, negation of non-verbal predicates (often referred to as ‘ascriptive negation’) commonly requires negative markers different from those used for standard negation (Eriksen 2011), it is more common than not to have specialized prohibitive markers or verb forms (see Van der Auwera & Lejeune 2013), and negative existentials tend to differ from standard negation markers (Veselinova 2013.
In my introductory talk, I will first offer an overview of the main typological parameters pertaining to the domain of negation. Second, I will outline a few diachronic processes known for negation formation. Finally, I will zoom in on South American languages for a brief illustration of some areal patterns in negation marking.
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Contact...
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En savoir plus…
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mar. 29/10/2019
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Réunion Interne Atelier Histoire et Ecologie des Langues: Elisa Demuru, présentation projet CNRS |
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14h00-15h30 |
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MSH-Andre Frossard |
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jeu. 31/10/2019
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Réunion Interne Soirée jeux de société |
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18h-22h |
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MSH, cafétéria (RdC) |
Contact...
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